The reluctant Pakistan

Combating terrorism, too little, too late

The cabinet has finally approved a draft law to establish a new counter-terrorism body. The ostensible aim of the proposed law is to defeat extremism through more coordinated and concerted efforts.

The formation of the so-called National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA) had been lying dormant since the past three years. None other than the ruling party stalwarts was opposing it. A three-member committee, led by the Minister for Provincial Co-ordination Raza Rabbani, opposed the draft law rightly arguing that it gave draconian powers to the interior minister.

The NACTA’s stated aim is to combat terrorism by changing the prevalent culture. The measures envisioned include changes in curriculum and by introducing modern education in religious seminaries. Merely bringing a law giving draconian powers to the state can hardly bring a change in the present culture so firmly ingrained in our society and body politic.

The government can take due credit for averting a big disaster on Ashura, but at what cost? The whole country was virtually shut down, mobile telephony was suspended and motorbikes were banned. Unsurprisingly, a major disaster was averted. Nonetheless, the terrorists implicitly proved their point by dictating their agenda.

Apart from the enormous loss to the already fragile economy, such desperate measures sap the morale of an already demoralised nation. The almost comical figure of Rehman Malik donning a Mao cap in his various appearances on television can claim victory over the terrorists. But the stark reality is that it is an admission of failure.

The will to change the mindset to deal with the menace of terrorism is somehow lacking across the board. Hence empty boasts that militants are on the run are not borne out by ground realities.

The ruling elite protected by ever increasing security detail at state’s expense might feel more secure. The common citizen, however, bereft of thee luxuries, is a sitting duck for the terrorists. In fact, there is a different Pakistan for the rich and famous and a different one for the majority of Pakistanis.

Long security convoys of the rulers and political grandees are a common sight in any big city of the country. Whoever with a bigger detail comes higher in the pecking order. Those who can afford it also do not move without a posse of private security guards. The higher judiciary, the military elite and senior bureaucrats are no exception.

The manner in which their houses are protected is a manifestation of their deep sense of insecurity. The cordon sanitaire built around ministers’ colonies, military colonies and the bureaucrats’ colonies speak for themselves. The presidency, governor houses, chief ministers’ houses and offices have always been under tight security. But now they have become impregnable fortresses.

Senior bureaucrats and police officials of the Punjab government as well as high court judges reside in Lahore’s GOR 1. The complex also houses the various offices of the chief minister and some private residences.

The roads in the colony, converted into a strictly no-go area, previously used to be a major thoroughfare. Ironically, all at the hapless taxpayers’ expense, no private citizen can permeate fortress walls of the GOR.

During the stewardship of Chaudhry Pervez Elahi, a wall was built to block the GOR from the rest of the city. However, after protests in the media dubbing it as the “babus’ Berlin Wall”, it was demolished. No such luck now.

Similarly, the corps commander office in Lahore cantonment has been secured by simply blocking the roads around it without any consideration for the passer-byes. This is despite the fact that in any case to enter cantonment areas one has to pass though several checkpoints manned by the military police.

It is obvious that the privileged lot, ensconced safely in their houses and offices and moving in secure transport, are hardly aware of the travails of the hapless citizen. Numerous roadblocks resulting in endemic traffic jams to ensure secure and rapid transport for the motorcades of the elite has now become the order of the day.

In this context, whoever feels that a proposed law yet to face the scrutiny of the parliament can change the entire culture to combat terrorism, is probably suffering from an extreme form of naivety. Unless the ruling elite is willing to change, real transformation is impossible by merely attempting to bring cosmetic adjustments in curriculum and proposing new themes in film and culture.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Governor Masood Kauser declaring religion as the biggest problem has proposed a change in Pakistan’s ideology. The governor, brother of the late liberal poet Ahmed Faraz, has taken a rather radical approach to combat terrorism.

It is difficult to entirely agree with the panacea suggested by him. Nonetheless he has underscored the malaise afflicting our body politic.

Pandering to the religious lobby has become the norm rather than the exception. In the process, mere lip service is paid to the ideology envisioned for Pakistan by its founding fathers – Iqbal and Jinnah. Bigotry and intolerance has replaced the still elusive ideal of a pluralistic society with ‘live and let live’ philosophy as its hallmark.

Those who had opposed the creation of Pakistan in the name of religion now call the shots in our political discourse. A large swath of the media supports them. Hence, those who have the temerity to disagree with the officially certified truth are branded as anti-Pakistan apostates.

The sad part is that over the years the so-called mainstream parties have also kowtowed to this narrow agenda. Some even have election alliances with such outfits. As a result, terrorist acts are ambiguously condemned as a function of pro-US policies of the government in a perfunctionary manner.

Even the military – ever since general Zia-ul-Haq’s pedantic version of Islam – is conditioned by the jihadist mindset.The common man is quite confused why the military that has suffered at the hands of the Taliban is not willing to move against other groups operating under the same title. The myth of the so-called good and bad Taliban has endured for too long.

In order to formulate a cogent strategy to combat terrorism, the national security state and its elite has to change from within. If there is any change, it is hardly perceptible. It might prove to be too little and too late if we go on in the same manner.

The writer is Editor, Pakistan Today