On the slow mend
The top military and civilian leadership is striving to develop a consensus on our foreign policy, primarily on frayed Pakistan-US relations. It is heartening to note that apart from the coalition members, the opposition leaders in the National Assembly and the Senate also attended the top-level meeting chaired by the prime minister. But apart from the political parties, the military and the civilian leadership have not been on the same page on the issue.
Outside the parliament, a newly created pressure group largely composed of out-of-job politicians and mualanas of different ilk, the so-called Difa-e-Pakistan (Defence of Pakistan) Council is playing a rejectionist role, ready to sabotage any deal.
Nonetheless Prime Minister Gilani meeting President Obama in Seoul, President Zardari meeting Washington’s special envoy on Afghanistan Marc Grossman in Dushanbe and the military leaderships of the US and Pakistan having consultations, all in the last three days, underscores a sense of urgency on both sides to restore ties.
According to the White House and he US State Department, the top-level talks have led to a better understanding between the two countries. Similarly, Islamabad has put a positive gloss on the high profile engagements. Despite the bonhomie, intractable problems remain to be resolved.
The past one-year or so has been the most turbulent period in the chequered history of Pakistan-US relations. Starting from the Raymond Davis affair last January to the Abbottabad raid by US Navy SEALs in May killing Osama bin Laden and the Salala incident in November, relations have gone consistently downhill.
The chimerical relations between the two allies have seen many ups and downs in the past. Even at the best of times American pundits aptly coined the term ‘frenemy’ to describe the roller coaster nature of US-Pakistan relations.
In the past year, relations have hit an all time low. Recently, Hollywood star George Clooney revealed to Rolling Stone magazine that President Obama had told him that one place which gives him sleepless nights is Pakistan.
As of now NATO supplies to Afghanistan through Pakistan remain suspended. And despite the high level contacts between Washington and Islamabad, the long-awaited apology from the US on the Salala incident is not forthcoming. It is not even clear now whether Islamabad is still insisting on the apology to restore ties.
Indications are that most outstanding issues between the US and Pakistan have been sewn up in a broad framework of mutual understanding. Since neither side can afford a clean break, there is a sense of urgency to restore a modicum of normalcy as soon as possible.
The foreign office has claimed that no verbal agreement would be made in the future with Washington and there would be complete transparency in relations with the US. According to the recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security (PNCS), every agreement shall be written down and formalised.
In a country where the approval rating of the US is one of the lowest in the world, this makes fine reading. The parliament can lay down broad policy framework and its committees can scrutinise all aspects of foreign and security policy. But speaking practically, the conduct of day-to-day policy will be rendered virtually impossible if the new guidelines are followed in letter and spirit.
It is indeed ironic that despite the anxiety to rein in relations with the US, issues like details of the defence budget as well the conduct and working of the intelligence establishment remain beyond the pale of the parliament or its committees. Like in all democratic countries, these matters should also be brought under the domain of the parliament.
Apart from the Salala incident (for which the US military has decided not to charge its soldiers), the use of drones – ostensibly to flush out militants – remains a flashpoint between Washington and Islamabad. Although drone attacks have been reduced quite a lot in the past few months, they remain the key weapon to kill and destroy the Al-Qaeda network in the badlands of Pakistan.
The US has reportedly agreed to fewer but more targeted drone attacks. And they are continuing while both sides are talking. These attacks from the US military’s standpoint have their utility as they have helped in weakening if not actually destroying the Al-Qaeda network in N. Waziristan.
Admittedly, there has been respite from terrorist activities in most urban centres of the country in the past year or so. These attacks have become fewer and far apart, and less lethal in their intensity. Nevertheless, the militant network is still active mostly in Balochistan, KP and the tribal areas.
Targeted killings of the Shias, FC and the police in Balochistan and some other areas of the country are adequate testimony to the fact that the hydra-headed monster of terrorism might have been scorched but not destroyed. It can easily raise its head again and strike with full might and fury.
It is obvious that despite the fulminations of the leader of the oppositions Nisar Ali Khan and Mualana FazlurRehman in the parliament, a modicum of agreement has been reached on ties with the US. Prime Minister Gilani before his departure for China will make a last ditch attempt at building a consensus. Hopefully, he will succeed.
Some kind of framework has already been evolved which will be clinched when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton arrives in Islamabad in a few weeks. But this does not mean relations between the US and Pakistan will be hunky dory again. The US does not trust the ISI. The US Congress is loath to approve more military aid for Islamabad.
The US Commander in Afghanistan General John Allen just before coming to Pakistan accused the Pakistani spy agency of maintaining ties with the Taliban and the Haqqani network. Similarly, the report that the just-retired controversial head of the ISI General Shuja Pasha rejected an offer by the US for advance notice of drone attacks does not help.
The ISI has not denied its ties with the militant networks proscribed by the US. It has maintained that it has to keep contacts with all sides like any efficient intelligence apparatus. What is to be seen is whether, under its new head, the ISI is able to carve a key role for itself in initiating talks with the Afghan Taliban for an eventual exit strategy for the US and NATO forces.
The writer is Editor, Pakistan Today
When nearly 500 CIA agents were operating in the country, we had bomb blasts in our cities on almost daily basis. But since US's Raymond Davis fiasco and his exit alongwith nearly 500 CIA agents, bomb blasts have become negligible.
So, why is the Parliment and the Government even contemplating allowing CIA agents into the country again?
Now that mostly CIA agenst are gone…who are responsible for the suicide attacks inside Pakistan…they are our own frankenstein that we created during war against Russia…!
US has been the only dependable ally during floods, earth quake and other calamities. However we should be watchful to protect our national interests.
… most of the terrorist bomb blasys and attacks deep inside Pakistan were engineered by our 'most preferred and dependable ally' … and executed by proxy … to demonstrate to Pakistan that their enemy was also Pakistan's enemy … … these have stopped or dwindled as our 'most preferred and dependable ally' realised that it couldn't break Pakistani resolve not to fight soebody elses ear beyond a red line … and not to permanently damage its own interests to cover the follies and incompetence of 'its most preferred and depemdable ally' …
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