Speaking from the dustbin of history
Musharraf, the former ‘fearless’ commando, abandoned the party he had created and left the country to save his skin. He is now evading summons sent by courts ordering him to appear. Despite the braggadocio that characterises the man he does not have the guts to face the cases. He hasn’t responded to summons by the Supreme Court in Benazir’s murder case where he is wanted as a suspect and a witness and the warrants issued by a Balochistan court where he has been nominated for ordering the killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti.
Musharraf exhibited signs of murderous tendencies at numerous occasions. He once expressed the desire to strangulate Abdullah Mehsud with his own hands. Months before the orders to kill Nawab Akbar Bugti were issued, he said the rebels that he claimed were led by Bugti, “will not know what hit them”.
Suddenly, early this week Musharraf claimed that Akbar Bugti was not murdered but had committed suicide. The afterthought is an indication that the fugitive from justice is having cold feet. This is a stand Musharraf never took during his tenure or in later years. Instead he repeatedly maintained that he did not regret the action and would take it again “if forced by the situation”.
Three other government leaders who were named in the FIR against Bugti’s murder have never claimed that the Baloch leader committed suicide. All have distanced themselves from the gory incident that took place during the two-day military operation.
In his statement submitted before the court former Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz took the stand that he was “used as a tool” by the then President Musharraf and had nothing to do with the Bugti murder case. Former Interior Minister Sherpao and former Governor Balochistan Owais Ahmad Ghani told Balochistan High Court in their statements that since they were part of the civilian set-up, and the operation was launched by the army, they had nothing to do with Bugti’s killing.
The tragic event had put the PML(Q) leaders who supported Musharraf on the defensive. Ch Shujaat who had led the team to hold negotiations with Bugti had already complained that his suggestions were ignored in favour of those of the agencies. None of the PML(Q) members ever suggested that Bugti had committed suicide.
Musharraf had a deep seated grudge against Akbar Bugti who had declined to cooperate in the suppression of the Marri tribesmen. How could this old man guarded by a few hundred Baloch youth with outdated weapons dare to refuse the COAS-cum-President who considered himself the master of all that he surveyed?
What riled Musharraf further was another event. In 2005, an army captain was accused of raping a lady doctor in Sui. The incident, taking place right inside Bugti heartland, was seen by the tribe as a breach of their code of honour. They attacked the gas field with rockets, mortars and AK-47 rounds. Musharraf sent an uncompromising response: tanks, helicopters and an extra 4,500 soldiers to guard the installation. Bugti refused to hold talks. Dr Shazia’s rape comes first, he maintained. “As long as the perpetrators of this heinous crime are not dealt with, there can be no talks,” he said.
While afraid to face the courts, Musharraf retains the hubris while talking about the Baloch. In a recent article “Understanding Balochistan” which appeared on Thursday, he reminds the Baloch of the favours he has done to them as President. He expects them to kiss his hands and remain forever grateful to him. Like a colonial official angry at the ingratitude shown by ‘bloody’ Indians seeking independence from the British rule, he lists some of the wonders that he performed to raise the Baloch from their primitive condition of life.
It is travesty of history that a man who pushed an otherwise peaceful Balochistan into insurrection should claim to be the province’s benefactor. Before Musharraf’s arrival there were no attacks on outsiders which began only after desperation caused by Bugti’s killing. Nationalist leaders were seeking their rights through the ballot rather than bullet. Both Bugti and Akhtar Mengal were elecetd the chief ministers of the province.
It was during the Musharraf era that “forced disappearances” – a euphemism for kidnapping and keeping the Baloch nationalists incognito for months and in cases for years – became a common practice. This was a thorough violation of the constitution and the law. Hundreds of political activists were forcibly taken away by the security agencies and tortured. The affected families went on hunger strikes, there were protest marches and shutter down strikes. The courts failed to come to the rescue of the plaintiffs. Parliament turned out to be ineffective to redress the grievances. The practice continued year after year and left the Baloch thoroughly alienated.
The fateful killing of Bugti changed everything. With a major supporter of the federation eliminated, the slogan of an independent Balochistan has gained widespread popularity. Musharraf thinks he is still popular in Balochistan. All that he needs to do to prove the claim is to take a bicycle ride in any Baloch city, say Gwadar, where he prides over setting up a deep sea port.
The writer is a former academic and a political analyst.