The Pakistan scorecard

It all really boils down to a brutally simple question: What really is Pakistan’s problem?

The answer is anything but simple. A convenient way to start the hunt for this brutally simple but frustratingly elusive question is to break down Pakistan’s challenges into three broad categories: 1) internal social, 2) internal political, 3) external political.

These categories may seem right out of a political science textbook, but the academic-sounding titles really are nothing more than very basic divisions within the larger canvas of national issues. In essence then, what these divisions refer to are challenges wrapped around Pakistan’s social and governance structures, its’ politics as practiced on a day-to-day basis, and its’ policies and actions as they affect the region and the world.

The answer to the question whether Pakistan is actually progressing as a country and a nation will need to take into account the cumulative summation of these categories. So here goes: The first one, internal social, revolves around the common Pakistani and the challenges he faces on a daily basis. He operates within a system where the state holds sway over almost every facet of his life. For protection, he depends on a police which is more coercive than protective. For justice, he banks on a lower judiciary which provides no guarantee that justice will be served in any hurry. For education, he looks to a system which serves less than half the children of school-going age. For health, he is at the mercy of a dilapidated set of government hospitals and basic medical facilities which are far less than required, and far more inefficient than generally claimed. If he is forced to go to government departments, he is likely to be pushed around from babu to babu, and certainly not in a polite manner. For employment, he needs sifarish. For admissions in educational institutions, he needs sifarish. For getting even his basic rights as a citizen, he needs sifarish. And then of course, there’s the requirement of greasing palms whenever such palms need to get any work done.

Case in point: A school teacher gets his legs broken when he speaks against a feudal politician and the official system does nothing unless the media and the judiciary take action. Another case in point: a feudal politician slaps a polling booth official and official system remains paralysed till the media kicks into gear. Yet another case in point: a large number of people go “missing” despite the law clearly stating that every person arrested by the law enforcement authorities must be produced before a court. In all these instances, the system which exists to ensure the rights of citizens, actually ends up working against them.

So when we ask if Pakistan is progressing, we have to consider if this internal social system is improving in any significant manner. The answer, I suspect, is quite clear.

The second category, internal political, may be faring a bit better. An elected government is about to finish its full term which is a promising development. The parliament has performed reasonably well by passing the 18th and 20th Amendments which establish some fundamental governance principles. The NFC award too signifies a maturity generally not associated with Pakistani politicians. Legislation on women’s issues too is a welcome step. But then there is the downside: atrocious governance, horrendous mismanagement and criminal neglect of the economy. Add to it a resounding failure to reform the governance structure and the picture that emerges is of a government which is blessed with legitimacy and cursed by incompetence and corruption.

The third category, external political, brings with it a heavy burden. The key areas are America, Afghanistan and India (not necessarily in that order). The scorecard here is perhaps a mixed one. Ties with the US are hitting rock bottom, but inadvertently are also now finding a more realistic footing. The joint session of the parliament tomorrow is expected to approve the re-opening of the Nato route but the humpty dumpty of bilateral ties will not be put together again. As a result, there is a deliberate effort underway to strengthen regional ties, with a special focus on relations with Russia. This is a long-term strategy but it is based on a reappraisal of our foreign policy.

On Afghanistan, the jury is still out. Pakistan is still seen by the West as the villain. When President Obama was asked in an interview what kept him up at night, he answered “Pakistan”. That may be his problem, but Afghanistan is ours. Are we still putting all our eggs in the Taliban basket? Are we still bent on playing the strategic depth game in our backyard? The answers lie buried deep somewhere within the bowels of the GHQ.

On India, there is a glimmer of hope. Things are on the mend, ever so slowly. The MFN issue is a breakthrough of sorts, though we may not have done our homework as thoroughly as perhaps we should have. The establishment is also making the right noises – reluctantly – and appears open to a thaw. The LoC is also relatively quiet. So far, Pakistan seems to be playing its cards right.

A balanced picture therefore emerges from a reading of the three categories. However, if these categories are weighted, the internal social tips the scales. It forms the foundation on which the other two will find their footing. A weak society cannot make a strong country. Unfortunately, of the three categories, the first one elicits the least attention.

The writer hosts a primetime talk show on ARY News. He has worked as Director News of Express News and Dunya News and Editor The News, Islamabad. He can be reached at [email protected] or on Twitter @fahdhusain