An apology from the President of Pakistan, Asif Ali Zardari, was obviously not enough. Nor was the Aghaz-e-Haqooq package. Away from the public eye, a civil war rages unabated in Balochistan, every bullet fired pushing the Baloch people further away from Pakistan.
Very few, seemingly including Zardari and Nawaz Sharif, understand that the break-up of Pakistan is a very real possibility. Equally, very few are willing to accept that Balochistan is a real problem, that neo-colonialism can coexist with neo-liberalism, or that the colonial policy of silencing dissent is no longer viable.
Yes, there is a need for an all parties conference because Balochistan is not a matter to hide from the public eye any more. An APC should be convened, in Quetta, but its agenda should be shorn of political grandeur, and rooted in a brutally honest narration of Pakistani history. Following are some suggestions for an APC on Balochistan; I write these lines with the intention that there is some debate on what we, Pakistan, have to offer to our Baloch friends in order to convince them that Pakistan is still a viable option for them.
1. Accept that we were wrong. We are negotiating from a position of weakness – obviously not in military terms, but certainly, in moral terms. There are many things we have to apologise to the Baloch for: we went to war against the Baloch people in 1948, 1958, 1963 and 1973; the most recent war, which started during General Musharraf’s regime, continues till this day and shows no sign of drawing to a close. In essence, there are countless Baloch who were killed at the hands of Pakistani security forces. Accepting that “citizens” of Pakistan were killed in Balochistan by the state is a premise and a good starting point. True, many Pakistani security personnel have also lost their lives in the war, but the aggressors must apologise first.
2. A truth and reconciliation commission must be formed immediately. There are many Baloch sons who are missing; identifying the missing and their whereabouts needs to be top priority. Non-ethnic Baloch have also been murdered, some claim by security agencies while others believe by Baloch nationalists. The families of these people don’t have closure because they don’t know who killed their beloved. Baloch activists claim that there are mass graves in Balochistan; let the commission assign responsibility. Pakistani agencies make similar claims, let the commission rule on this accusation as well.
3. Recognise and bring banned nationalist organisations to the discussion table. Despite their “banned” status, most of these organisations continue to operate under the same name and with greater ferocity. They are legitimate actors; delegitimising them doesn’t solve any problems.
4. Initiate a discussion on the structure of the federation in Pakistan. The 18th Amendment and the new NFC Award seem to have initiated a process of stronger provinces, but what a large section of Baloch nationalists are demanding is independence altogether from Pakistan. Any serious debate on the federation should ask two questions: first, what is “Pakistan” offering to Balochistan as incentive to remain part of the federation; and second, are we prepared to let Balochistan go?
For Pakistan, it is important to think about creating a number of independent states, which in turn form a federation. Debate and legislation on new provinces is meaningless without assessing whether the current structure of the federation has worked. Handing provinces the choice to be part of Pakistan means that terms of engagement in the new federation will be on a basis of parity, not subservience. This will allow nationalist segments of Balochistan, Sindh and lower Punjab, as well as those arguing for a “Qabailistan” to become part of the solution.
5. Plans to build cantonments in the interior of Balochistan should be abandoned, and existing military facilities be handed over to civilian authorities. The military should head to the border areas, where their need is more pressing.
6. Both the army chief and the CJP should induct more Baloch in the military and judiciary. In the case of the former, Baloch youth should be equipped and tasked with defending the borders of Balochistan. For a people without any trust in the deployed forces in Balochistan, knowing that their own are defending them and their borders holds more meaning than any cosmetic transfer.
7. All development in Balochistan must be put solely under the purview of the provincial government.
8. Increased quotas for Baloch students in all government-run universities.
9. Increased quotas for Baloch youth in federal government and bureaucracy posts.
10. Full disclosure on all gas deals. Revised tariffs, if Balochistan agrees to sell gas to Pakistan.
11. Full disclosure on economic and military deals made in the name of protecting Balochistan.
The writer is a Karachi-based journalist. Connect with him on Twitter @ASYusuf
The Baloch nation are not just in Pakistan, 40% of them are in Iranian Balochistan, and the Baloch wants to be united as they were before the British arrival. The Baloch never been asked to join these countries, but by force and armies they have been under the yoke of these countries. Enough is enough, nothing we want less than out right of self-determination as an independent nation before 1840 and 1948.
Thanks for writing Balooch
Comments are closed.