As per programme, the opposition sent some very heavy brickbats the way of the government. This is not something unusual. But it was incredulous that instead of attacking the government, the opposition speakers ending up attacking democracy itself. I wish these orators had read the statements of their own leader, Nawaz Sharif, in which he claims that they he had closed the doors on military dictatorship. This claim is not altogether incorrect. If he hadn’t stood up with perseverance against dictatorial forces, Pakistan’s political landscape would’ve been much different.
The forces that support dictatorship come into action as soon as an elected government comes into being. The media tried to attack the government from all four corners. They created a confrontation between the judiciary and executive and urged both to make way for anti-democratic elements. The judiciary was pushed to use various laws to oust President Zardari. The media used many law experts to help the judiciary chose which clause to employ against the president. They went so far as casting doubts on presidential immunity.
But the CJ, who was part of an anti-dictatorship movement, refused to be part of such a plan. Hence, democracy lived to see another day while trying to find its foothold. But no one was interested in letting it find its foothold. Headlines were made out of remarks of judges to manufacture the impression that the government’s days were numbered. The media murmured into the judges’ ears that they should summon the army to do their bidding and that the COAS was constitutionally bound to follow their orders. It was made out that the COAS was ready to jump at first beckoning of the judiciary to send the government packing.
Moreover, the impression was constructed that Nawaz Sharif was ready to cooperate with the army as well. He had to issue many clarification to assure that it was not so. Indeed, he is the leader of the opposition and it is his duty to criticise the government where and when necessary. But machinations were underfoot to make his position controversial. It was tried that he be aggravated and urged to intensify his opposition. The label of ‘friendly opposition’ was bandied about to incense him. The taunt that he was trying to save the Punjab government was also used to add fuel to the fire. Hence, no stone was unturned in attempt to make him turn up the oppositional heat.
It’s a fortunate coincidence that all three actors who it was being hoped would wrap up democracy’s chessboard remained steadfast and did not give in. It wasn’t easy as there were many who kept prompting them.
The COAS was under constant pressure. The media’s onslaught was furious and relentless but he did not budge to this anti-democratic egging on. The same was the case of the CJ. He had to face many an attack due to his steadfast stand regarding the supremacy of the constitution and democratic system. But on the basis of public support and media backing, he remained immovable regarding his principles.
Nawaz Sharif’s case was similar too. He was under pressure – from hawks in his party and from certain opposition parties – to move to depose the government and form a coalition government in its place. Nawaz Sharif was contacted by many and rumours were spread to an extent that it began to be whispered that the required majority had been amassed and that the seat of power was soon to be upended. And indeed, if the change in government was brought through the parliament, it wouldn’t have been an ‘anti-democratic’ or ‘undemocratic’ act. But Nawaz Sharif chose not to take this road.
Nawaz Sharif knew of such political machinations and what they led to. He must’ve known of Indira Gandhi’s example and what she did to break up the government of her adversaries. Her rivals had formed a coalition government by a slim majority. Indira Gandhi lured away one of the parties from this coalition and worked to install a Prime Minister who needed the Congress’ support. But a few days later, Indira Gandhi withdrew her support. The other parties were now unwilling to support the candidate either and the house was thus at an impasse, making fresh elections inexorable.
This is an instructive historical example. Nawaz Sharif knew that if he formed a government with his 90 seats, he would have to take a ragtag assortment of parties on board, all of whom would come with their own allied demands. Any of them could create a political crisis by quitting the government as and when suited them. Nawaz Sharif did not want to be party to this. Look at the trouble President Zardari has gone through. Undoubtedly, he has faced many difficulties in keeping his coalition partners happy and appeased. He was even blackmailed by certain elements who were exploiting this situation nine ways to Sunday. But not only was the president able to keep the democratic system on track but was also able to get historic legislation passed in the process. The biggest ones include the restoration of the constitution and granting political autonomy to the provinces with unanimous agreement.
There might be disagreement and estrangement between Zardari and Sharif, but I can say with certainty that Zardari acknowledges the role of Nawaz Sharif in keeping democracy on track. I have explained all this because now I see certain hawkish elements taking over the PML(N). This is manifest particularly in its decision to launch protests in response to a particular problem which is impossible for the government to resolve swiftly with its available resources.
It is no secret from Nawaz Sharif that the government got the problem of being indebted to oil companies in inheritance from the previous dispensation. During ten years of dictatorship, there was no increase in the production of electricity while consumption increased manifold. Pervez Musharraf wanted to win the elections to prolong his tenure. To achieve this end, he used up public resources with abandon like any dictator would. This included liabilities to the oil companies.
Due to increase in fuel prices and various other reasons, what was needed at the time was an increase in the electricity tariff. But the Musharraf government chose to stall the problem by setting up an unsustainable subsidy. The subsidy was subsequently not paid to the fuel companies and the arrears stockpiled to a whopping 350 billion rupees. These are now part of the circular debt crisis; a circle that is more a noose for the government.
It cannot be denied that Pakistan’s finances are being grossly mismanaged. There is no handle on corruption either. If the right decisions had been taken at the right time, the debt to the oil companies could’ve been paid off. But now things have come to such a pretty pass, that it is impossible to pay these companies off soon. It would be a fool’s dream to hope for foreign aid. Therefore, it’s an open reality that the government will not be able to solve the crisis, no matter how many processions are taken out and how much pressure exerted.
Thus, keeping the government’s bind and the public’s problems in mind, it is in no way right to stoke the public sentiments against democracy in such a populist manner. If democracy is derailed, the PML(N) itself will not be able to save itself from the fallout. To harm democracy to depose your adversaries would be repeating the worst mistakes of our political history. Military rulers either step in on the diktat of imperial powers or benefit from disarray and disagreement amongst the political forces. Since there is no imperial diktat forthcoming, why are politicians becoming the devil’s handmaidens themselves.
The writer is one of Pakistan’s most widely read columnists.