We are approaching Pakistan’s 64th Independence Day but we continue to debate the reasons for the partition of British India and the establishment of Pakistan. There are disagreements on the root causes of the current socio-economic problems and what should be done to address them. Is there anything to be improved in the society or are Pakistan’s problems caused by an international conspiracy hatched by the followers of other religions and civilisations.
An important section of public opinion seeks the explanation of Pakistan’s establishment and current problems in the developments of the pre-independence period. Instead of focusing on the strengths of the Muslim community that led them to ask for a separate state, they highlight more what they call the exploitation of the Muslims by the Hindus of British India. The emphasis is on distinctions between the Muslims and the Hindus which, in their view, are still relevant to addressing the current India-Pakistan relations.
The exploitation theme can be referred to as a factor in the history of Pakistan which has greater appeal for those who experienced the pre-independence society. However, this argument loses much of its appeal to the second and third post-independence generation that is experiencing exploitation by their countrymen, invariably the Muslims. Unless their problems and concerns are addressed, their attitude towards that state and society is going to be influenced more by their own experience rather than the historical narratives of exploitation.
Today’s Pakistan must appear relevant to the present and future of the generations that have been born and trained in Pakistan. They are looking for a better future for themselves and Pakistan’s institutions and processes must facilitate that.
The MQM represents another kind of dilemma. Its stalwarts live in the nostalgia of the pre-partition period and talk of their exploitation in Pakistan by other ethnic groups. Some of them think that they still have the option of returning to India.
There are those who track the current problems back to the establishment of Pakistan and the decisions made in the early years of independence. They argue that Pakistan was established without giving a serious thought to what was to be done subsequently. Many decisions were made on the spur of the moment rather than taking into account the long term implications. For example, some analysts track the rise of religious extremism in Pakistan to the passing of the Objectives Resolution (March 1949) that incorporated Islamic identity in the political and constitutional arrangements for the future. This is viewed by many as yielding to the pressure of Islamic clergy which the latter used subsequently to justify their demand for a purely religion-based political order.
The Objectives Resolution was not the beginning of emphasis on Islam but a natural corollary of the employment of Islamic identity, culture and history for political mobilisation and identity formation by the All India Muslim League in the pre-independence period. The framers of the Objectives Resolution were convinced that the modern notion of state and democracy can be combined with the teachings and principles of Islam that were viewed as the ethical foundation of the Pakistani society rather than a set of punitive and regulative injunctions.
If they rejected the puritanical and orthodox view of the Islamic state, they also avoided the other extreme of a secular system like that of Kamal Ataturk’s Turkey. They adopted a midway house approach of keeping an identifiable linkage with Islam but not assigning the responsibility of enforcement of Islam to the state. All Pakistani constitutions direct the state to “enable” the Muslims to lead their lives in accordance with the teachings and principles of Islam. Another constitutional stipulation emphasises that there will be no law contrary to the principles and teachings of Islam.
The basic change in the role of the state from an “Enabler” to “Enforcer” of Islam came during the military rule by General Zia-ul-Haq who began to enforce Islam through state orders and machinery for achieving his domestic and foreign policy agenda. Until 1977, there is only one instance of such enforcement; the state and society generally pursued a moderate disposition towards religion.
The current religious and cultural intolerance and militancy is the product of the policies adopted since 1977, especially from 1979 onwards when Zia-ul-Haq embarked on enforcement of Islam to the satisfaction of orthodox and conservative Muslim clergy. It is very difficult to draw the conclusion that if the founders of Pakistan had sought a new basis of identity for Pakistan after independence Pakistan would have been free of the on-going extremism and militancy.
Another explanation talks of external conspiracies against Pakistan for undermining the predominantly Muslim state and society. This discourse views all domestic and foreign policy developments as a function of religion. As per this view, the non-Muslim world is arrayed against Islam and there is a global conspiracy against Pakistan. This means that there is nothing wrong with Pakistan and Pakistanis. There is nothing to improve within the society but it has to be protected from the onslaught of the adversaries.
A variant of the conspiracy explanation is the well-known statement that Pakistan has all the needed natural, agricultural and human resources but the leadership is unable or unwilling to use them for the welfare of people or there is some international conspiracy for dissuading them from benefiting from these resources.
The theories on international or domestic conspiracies are popular with the societies in decay that refuse to admit that something has gone wrong with the society. They also do not develop the capacity to meet the challenges to the future of the society because they are convinced that all conspiracies are bound to fail.
In the present day world, no matter how a country has come into existence and no matter what mistakes its rulers have made in the past, it cannot overcome its problems without acquiring modern knowledge and technology. This needs to be coupled with unemotional reflection on the problems or failures.
Pakistan cannot overcome its present difficulties by externalising its problems, blaming the past rulers or living in the delusion of possessing unlimited resources. The nations that have achieved socio-economic development in the last 50 years have assigned the highest priority to acquiring knowledge and technology and sought solutions through dispassionate self-analysis and sustained efforts.
Pakistan’s future depends on how the current problems are addressed. This calls for building a knowledge-based society that assigns premium to professionalism and rationality.
The writer is an independent political and defence analyst.
very true!!:(
"…and there is a global conspiracy against Pakistan. This means that there is nothing wrong with Pakistan and Pakistanis. There is nothing to improve within the society but it has to be protected from the onslaught of the adversaries."…
"The theories on international or domestic conspiracies are popular with the societies in decay that refuse to admit that something has gone wrong with the society. They also do not develop the capacity to meet the challenges to the future of the society because they are convinced that all conspiracies are bound to fail."…
I WONDER WHEN THERE WOULD BE A PATRIOTIC LEADERSHIP IN PAKISTAN TO "OVERCOME"….
Mind your own business.
The theory that"exploitation of the Muslims by the Hindus of British India." is a misnomer. Post Partition Many of the Muslims in India have done exceptionally well in all fields and some of them have established world class institutions like CIPLA in pharmaceuticals and WIPRO i IT technology. the above are only a select few examples. l.
Pakistan has failed to develop a sense of nationhood. Regional and ethnic differences aside, a strong emotional commitment with religion has put Pakistan at a crossroad. It is difficult for Pakistan to separate themselves from the problems of the Islamic world and think as “sons and daughters of the soil.” There is a need to develop a sense of “Pakistani first” and everything else after that. Added to this misery is the attitude of the Pakistan’s ruling elite; arrogance, corruption, scramble for residential plots, and indifferent attitude (the politics of exclusion).
As regard Karachi-based Urdu speaking people, the feelings of exclusiveness were well ingrained in them given their proximity to the Delhi darbar. This feelings of exclusiveness “Shuraffa” never let them to become a part of the masses at large. They looked down on the local population, made fun of their cultural values and linguistic skills. Yes! They were better educated than the local inhabitants, and were dominant both in civil and military bureaucracy. The emergence of a new educated middle class from the local inhabitants was a challenge to their monopoly over the state apparatus. This development has made things complicated and challenge to national cohesion.
Indeed a great analysis of nation as a Pakistani.
"If they rejected the puritanical and orthodox view of the Islamic state, they also avoided the other extreme of a secular system like that of Kamal Ataturk’s Turkey. They adopted a midway house approach of keeping an identifiable linkage with Islam but not assigning the responsibility of enforcement of Islam to the state. All Pakistani constitutions direct the state to “enable” the Muslims to lead their lives in accordance with the teachings and principles of Islam. Another constitutional stipulation emphasises that there will be no law contrary to the principles and teachings of Islam."………………..Sir! the paragraph makes it clear that you call secularism orthodoxy which is enough to speak for your religious bent of mind which considerably has influenced your assessment. Its being a neutral op-ed is beyond understanding.Secularism whether orthodox or not is a different debate…..but justifying the ideological narrative of the Pakistan in the rubric of moderate Islam is the same what is couched in the Two-Nation Theory narrative of the country… though a bit different only in that of its being euphemistic. Religion…in what ever form…is perceived infallible,and, therefore, sclerotic to change.And then Objective Resolution no where depicts what is called moderate Islam because when it says that laws against or repugnant to Islam will be considered …. beware with prior notions….null and void clearly means that religion has been transfused with politics. The influence of Objective Resolution on the coming legal history of Pakistan is as clear as abroad day light and things come to head when Zia gave it a belligerent and militant shape….and today we are stewing in the juice of the rot that has resulted from mixing religion with politics whether is its so called moderate or orthodox forms.
Excellent review of the state of the nation.Permit me to add that Nawaz Sharif resumed and allowed the religious intolerance to grow.Benazir too did it for different reasons.Zia only started it through default and made use of the religion in framing the infamous question for referandom.But I still believe it was ZA Bhutto who initiated this for purely selfish interests.Remember Friday holiday and ban on liquor.
The intellectuals of the nation are one of key movers to defining nation’s ideology and identity. So yes, our intellectuals do suffer from an identity crisis, effect of which turns onto whole nation!
Very well-written and argued.
'Religious Corruption' is the cancer of Pakistan. Zia era’s policies have nurtured Pakistan into a fundamentalist desert. This Country progressed towards rapid Industrialization, maintaining its Islamic Moderation, got derailed towards becoming a security state, fighting other's wars, became 'guns for hire', and in the process we just looked the other way when 'turbans' of every color became cartels like Mafias.
Modern Education on War Footing, and diluting the over supply of religion can turn us around within a decade.
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