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The TTP (Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan) are on a rampage. Their proclamation in the aftermath of the killing of Osama bin Laden by the Americans early last month that the Pakistani military will be their prime target did not prove to be an empty threat.

The past month has been bloody and demoralising for Pakistan. Even Army Chief General Ashfaq Kayani, in a rare fit of candour, confided to a group of journalists that these were the saddest days of his life.

The militants have declared all out war against the Pakistani state, which is quite evident from the latest attack on security forces in Upper Dir. It became amply clear after their putsch on PNS Mehran that suicide attacks are no longer their sole modus operandi.

Blowing up of schools and infrastructure betrays the same mindset that played havoc in Swat valley before the military flushed them out. In fact, they are the same elements that had escaped from Swat and Malakand and took refuge in Afghanistan near the Pakistan border.

In the few weeks since the Abbottabad incident, the image of our security forces and the intelligence apparatus has taken a severe hit in such a systematic manner that there almost seems to be a method to the madness.

The utter failure of our air defence system in detecting the US Navy SEALS helicopter flotilla on the night of the attack on Osama bin Laden’s compound exposed the vulnerabilities of our Air Force, although the Army took most of the flak for it. It is, however, another matter if we were complicit in letting the Americans take Osama out without offering token resistance.

Similarly, nobody except the Naval Chief Admiral Nauman Bashir believes that the daring attack on PNS Mehran was not a grave security lapse and sheer incompetence on the part of those responsible for the security of the base.

The already tarnished image of the ISI has been further damaged by recent events, perhaps inexorably. No one believes that the ISI was not complicit in Osama being holed up in relative luxury for the past five years at a stone’s throw away from Pakistan’s West Point.

Conspiracy theorists believe that the premier intelligence agency took the rap for incompetence (perhaps a less damaging charge in its view) rather than complicity. DG ISI General Shuja Pasha offered to resign in the joint in camera parliamentary session. What prevented him making good on his threat, only he knows.

The killing of journalist Saleem Shahzad, widely alleged to be by ISI sleuths, cannot be taken lightly in this context. The APNS president Hameed Haroon has confirmed that the slain journalist had received threatening messages from the ISI on at least three occasions.

An inquiry commission headed by Mr Haroon and some senior and reputable journalists of impeccable integrity should be set up. If the government does not do so, the APNS should do it on its own. The ISI should extend full co-operation if it is not guilty as charged.

It is a supreme irony of our flawed system that despite so many glaring lapses, no heads have rolled. The Naval chief is still gallivanting around in his white BMW limousine enjoying the virtual protocol of a head of state. This vulgar display of pomp and show in the face of misery and economic depravation has become the norm of our ruling elite, both khaki and civilian.

As expected, the five-member commission to probe the Abbottabad incident has proved to be stillborn for the simple reason that the government is only half serious in forming it.

The armed forces simply wanted a resolution from the joint houses of the parliament to strengthen its bargaining position with Washington. That is why the session continued till late to extract such a resolution on the behest of the Army.

Accountability was never on the cards and never was the intention of the PPP government. There have been calls that the government use the present impasse, which has forced the military to go on the back foot, to strike a more equitable concord and to assert a modicum of civilian control over the armed forces.

Of course, a witch-hunt that could trigger a crisis or weaken our armed forces should be avoided at all costs. But our civilian leadership is not even willing to take space that rightfully belongs to the parliament and the cabinet lest it ruffles feathers that could risk it losing power.

Relations with the USA, India and the Afghan policy remain the domain of the military. The continued non-appointment of a foreign minister simply gives the message that his or her services are simply not needed.

In this context, our antiquated security paradigm, so dear to our military elite, remains in place despite the fact that virtually none of the mainstream political parties believe in it. But sadly enough, no one wants to bell the cat.

The dismal state of the economy is obvious from the fact that the government has failed to meet any of its fiscal targets during the financial year. The GDP growth rate being barely 2.4 per cent is a recipe for disaster.

Heavy outlay on defence and debt servicing does not leave much for alleviating poverty in the country. No counter insurgency strategy can succeed without investing in the welfare of the people. Unless we are able to break from this vicious circle, the country will remain a basket case.

In the meanwhile, Mian Nawaz Sharif has finally gone on the offensive to prove his credentials as the “real opposition”. He has threatened to launch a movement to oust the government once the summers are over.

Sharif is right in putting the government on the dock and there is plenty a justification for doing so. However it is unlikely that the PML(N) supremo will try to upset the apple cart that will undermine his chances of coming into power.

It is perhaps too late in the day to suggest that the opposition should be brought on board in order to tackle structural issues confronting the state. Basic problems need to be fixed no matter who has to govern in the future. It is obvious to all and sundry that the present dispensation is not working nor will it deliver.

The writer is Editor, Pakistan Today.