Raymond Davis, an undercover American security operator, was released by the trial judge in Lahore on March 16 and he left Pakistan within a matter of hours. His release was secured by paying compensation to the heirs of the assassinated persons under the Islamic law of blood money. This Islamic law was inserted into Pakistans legal system by the military government of General Zia-ul-Haq on the insistence of orthodox religious leaders in the early 1980s.
Though the legal and judicial requirements were fully complied with by the court and the release was allowed under the Islamic law, no civil or military authority wanted to own it in public. The federal and the Punjab governments were shying away from taking direct responsibility for Raymond Davis exceptionally quick exit from Pakistan.
The Islamic parties blamed the federal and Punjab governments for yielding to American pressure for allowing Raymond Davis to leave prison and fly out of Pakistan. They argued that Raymond Davis was involved in anti-state and terrorist activities and that he should have been tried under terrorism laws which would have disqualified him from availing the compensation option.
The Islamic parties attempted to locate the victims heirs in order to force them to publicly reject the compromise. However, knowing the tactics of the Islamic parties, the family members receiving compensation went into hiding. One report indicates that they left the country.
Infused with ultra-nationalism and religious fervour, the Islamic parties described the whole episode as an insult to Pakistan and they maintained that they could not allow the US to play with the honour and respect of Pakistan an emotionally charged appeal to mobilise support.
The protest against the release of Raymond Davis was spearheaded by the Jamaat-i-Islami and Imran Khans Tehrik-i-Insaf. The Jamat-ud-Dawa and the Sunni-Tehrik were also active. Some sections of the JUI also participated in the protest. The province of Punjab, known for conservative-religious and far-right political disposition, experienced more protests than any other province. However, the Islamic parties would not be able to sustain the protest beyond a couple of days because other political parties did not join them.
No mainstream party joined the Islamic parties in their venture against the federal government. The PPP, the MQM and the ANP stayed away. Even the PML(N) did not join them but it publicly denied any role in letting Raymond Davis leave the country so quickly. It shifted the responsibility to the federal government and the army/intelligence establishment. The PML(N)s hard liners accused the federal government of favouring him by not filing espionage cases against him. The PML(Q) also stayed away from the protest but it completely disowned the decision of the federal government to allow Raymond Davis to leave the country. Its members protested on this issue in the National Assembly. Both the PML(N) and PML(Q) stayed away from the protest by the Islamic parties but refused to support the federal government on his release and exit. They did not want to be seen as pro-US by the common people.
Traditionally, the Jamat-ud-Dawa avoided involvement in Pakistans domestic politics. This has changed now and the Jamat-ud-Dawa is now active in domestic politics. Its leader, Hafiz Saeed, and other activists were involved in the blasphemy law protest. They engaged in street protests along with the activists of other Islamic parties. Similarly, the Jamat-ud-Dawa was visible in the Raymond Davis protest. It joined hands with the Jamaat-i-Islami to keep the heirs of the assassinated people under pressure so that they do not accept compensation for releasing Raymond Davis.
It is interesting to note that a good number of retired army officers favoured a tough disposition towards Raymond Davis. They wanted the court to convict him in categorical terms. Like the Islamists, the retired army officers were perturbed by the news of release of Raymond Davis and they made no secret of their resentment on this development. Similarly, a good number of retired Foreign Service personnel wanted the federal government to deal effectively with Raymond Davis and that the federal government should reject American pressure on this issue. They wanted the federal government to protect the self-respect and honour of the country by standing up to American pressures.
The emotionalism of Islamic parties and groups went beyond their close circles. Many with modern education shared their perspective and accused the federal government of bowing to American pressures.
These trends were strengthened when the Army Chief, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, denounced the drone attack in the Dattakhel area on March 17, killing 41 people who were participating in a local jirga. This was an unusual statement by the Army Chief because Dattakhel area had experienced many attacks in the past but the army avoided taking a firm stand. The Army Chiefs stand on the drone attack represented a significant departure from the old policy of staying quiet. This could be an attempt on the part of the Army top brass to deflect the Islamist criticism of the role of the army/ISI in making it possible for Raymond Davis to leave the country. The goodwill generated by the Armys condemnation of the drone attack is expected to keep the Islamist focused on the federal civilian government for allowing Raymond Davis to leave the country.
Given the anger and displeasure of the Army Chief, Pakistans Foreign Office sent a formal protest to the US administration through its ambassador in Islamabad. This clearly showed that the real architect of Pakistans foreign and security policy is the army headquarters and the Foreign Office implements the policy.
The Army Chiefs disposition aims at showing to the Islamists and ultra-nationalists that the Army has the capacity to stand up to American pressure. Traditionally, the Islamists and the army had been allies, supporting each other while maintaining a discreet distance. This relationship is now strengthened.
The latest move by the Army to assert its autonomous position has encouraged various Islamist groups and Imran Khans Tehrik-i-Insaf to take a firm and unambiguous stand on the exit of Raymond Davis. This will also help Imran Khan to attract retired bureaucrats and army officers to his partys fold. The army and intelligence establishment must therefore play its role cautiously so that the partisan agenda of some group is not specifically served and the whole exercise is not viewed as an attempt to build pressure on the civilian federal government.
The writer is an independent political and defence analyst.
