Pakistans current experiment with democracy is three years old. It was in February 2008 that the general elections were held and the federal and provincial governments were installed in March-April. There were occasions during these three years when the democratic institutions and processes appeared to be in serious trouble. However, there have been significant achievements.
The 18th Constitutional Amendment has introduced some far-reaching changes in the state system that will transform the Pakistani polity into a more plural entity with more powers with the provinces. The quantum of provincial autonomy has been increased by abolishing the concurrent list in the constitution, transferring its subjects to the provinces or placing these under the control of the Council of Common Interest (CII). Five federal departments have already been shifted to the provinces. Five more departments will be given to them by the end of June this year. Now, mineral and seabed resources will be equally owned and shared by the province concerned and the federal government.
The freedom enjoyed by print and electronic media is unparalleled in Pakistans history, although there are periodic complaints that the media people do not always use this freedom in a responsible manner.
The National Finance Commission Award allocated for the first time 56 to 57.5 percent revenue collected by the federal government to the provinces. The federal government also announced a package of development work and creation of jobs for Balochistan in November 2009. The implementation of the development package is slow as compared to the expectation of the people that are very high. The recruitment of Baloch youth to the Army and the paramilitary has also been increased during the last two years.
Despite these positive developments it is too early to suggest that democracy has become secure and non-reversible in Pakistan. It is passing through a difficult and uncertain period. It can stagnate at a point or experience reverses. All the key players in the political process will have to work earnestly to sustain democracy and make it a viable system.
The viability of democracy is closely linked with the role of three set of major players in Pakistan. These are the political leaders and the political class; the societal developments and especially the growing religious extremism and intolerance; and the pressures from non-elected state institutions.
The major responsibility for the success of the democratic process falls on the shoulders of the political leaders and parties, or what is often described as the political and societal elite. The government, federal or provincial, must acquire and sustain performance legitimacy after winning electoral legitimacy. We have observed that the performance of all civilian governments, especially the federal government, has been far from satisfactory. These governments lack the determination and capacity to perform their basic obligations towards citizenry in terms of ensuring secure life and provision of basic services to the people. The federal government appears clueless in retrieving the faltering economy and dealing with key foreign policy, especially its relations with the United States after the Raymond Davis issue.
The major political parties are busy in fighting their off-again and on-again mini wars against each other whose roots are located in their narrow and partisan perspectives. The opposition parties are not willing to help the federal government in coping with the economic crisis or improving governance. They lack the vision as well as the desire to overcome these problems. Rather, they are using these deficiencies only to shoot-down the federal government.
The growing conflict between the PPP and the PML(N) threatens the stability of the system and diverts their attention from the problems of the common people. After winning over the defected members of the PML(Q) in the Punjab Assembly, the PML(N) is better placed to declare war against the PPP. There may be some legal cover for transfer of loyalties by a large number of parliamentarians, the holding on to power by causing defections is ethically unsound and does not help the cause of democracy. The growing conflict between the PPP and the PML(N) can cause the collapse of the whole system.
Islamic political parties have no understanding of the threat of economic and social collapse. They are engaged in their self-articulated wars against the United States, India and the federal government. Though they avoid a direct criticism of the military, they are either sympathisers or supporters of the Taliban and other militant sectarian groups. They promote religious and cultural intolerance and most of them use violence or threat of violence to pursue their agendas.
The growing religious extremism and intolerance and the use of exclusionist religio-political agendas threaten democracy as well as the fabric of the society. Islamic parties and Islamic militant groups are employing Islamic orthodoxy and extremism to tilt the political system to their advantage. Their high-sounding religious slogans are a cover-up for their power agenda that hardly reflects any understanding of what ails the Pakistani state, society and the economy.
Two non-elected state institutionsthe superior judiciary and the military are also building pressure on the political government and the parliament in their own ways. The superior judiciary is using judicial activism to pressure the federal government. A large number of cases against the federal government are in the superior courts that complicate governance by elected institutions. The comments made by the judges in government-related cases have political implications after these get published in newspapers. The military establishment makes significant input to policy making and policy implementation processes relating to matters of their direct concern, reducing the scope of action for the civilian government on its own initiative.
Democracy in Pakistan can go either way. It can develop strong roots and become self sustaining but it can drift towards chaos. The survival of democracy requires prudence on the part of the political leaders and parties, patience on the part of the military and the judiciary and effective and meaningful participation for the people. There is an urgent need of strengthening the capacity of the civil government to assert the states primacy and work for the welfare of the people. The growing alienation of the people from the political institutions and processes needs to be checked.
The writer is an independent political and defence analyst.
