The alienation in Balochistan has gone full circle. Every institution of the state, civil society organization and the entire mainstream media are increasingly losing credibility in the eyes of the Balochi people. There is no one in the province, not even the chief minister, governor or cabinet members, willing to defend the federation openly. A number of nationalist leaders have bidden good bye to parliament and the few who are left are on the defensive when inside Balochistan. The situation creates a sense of deja vu
The latest to be rejected by Balochis is the media. A BSO faction called a boycott of all print and electronic media for not reporting the operation in Mashkay town on October 13. This was presumably aimed at nabbing or killing Baloch separatist leader Dr Allah Nazar Baloch. The incident got publicity only after Baloch student groups protested against it in Karachi days later. The media persons in Balochistan complain of harassment by agencies and maintain that they are barred from covering operations of the sort
Never during the four earlier movements in the province were Pakistans flags burnt at public places on this scale, national anthem barred in schools and settlers killed and forced to leave. The insurgents in the past took refuge in the mountains where the army hunted them as partridges. Now they are right inside the towns with the population sheltering, feeding and supporting them.
This is happening in a province where, before Musharrafs coup in 1999, settlers lived and worked without being discriminated against or harmed. The sense of deprivation that had set in after the military operation beginning 1973 was gradually decreasing. Nawab Akbar Bugti, Akhter Mengal, two sons of Nawab Khair Bux Marri, and the once firebrand BSO leaders were in the Balochistan Assembly, some of them in cabinets that were successively formed. Others sat in the Senate and National Assembly where they took part in legislation. The Pakhtun leaders of the PKMAP had cast off their fondness for Afghanistan and had joined mainstream politics. Balochistan was well on the way to assimilation.
Everything went topsy turvy as Musharraf assumed the role of the lord and master of all he surveyed. There was unhappiness in the province over being deprived of an elected government. The people however took part in the 2002 elections still hoping that things would start changing for the better. This failed to happen as the new parliament and provincial assembly turned out to be no more than rubber stamps. Vital decisions affecting the lives of people were taken by a coterie of unelected advisors and military men around Musharraf.
Like his military predecessors, Musharraf ruled with an iron hand. Dissent in Balochistan was treated as treason. It was during the Musharraf era that reports about forced disappearances started appearing in sections of the national media. A year after he took over came the first confirmed report of kidnapping and torture of one Ali Asghar Bagulzai, father of eight, in connection with the murder of Justice Nawaz Marri. It was widely maintained in the province that the military regime wanted the witnesses to implicate nationalist leader Nawab Khair Bux Marri in the case. The reports of forced disappearances became more frequent year after year. Soon, the tally touched three figures.
Military operations were launched, while as a measure of deception a parliamentary committee was set up to look into Baloch grievances and present recommendations. It was even encouraged to meet Nawab Akbar Bugti for settlement. Suddenly, right in the middle of the talks, the Bugti sardar was killed in a military operation. The killing was a turning point in Balochistan as it convinced large sections of political activists, particularly the youth that as far as Balochis were concerned parliamentary democracy was no more than military rule in disguise.
With the PPP taking over, a perception was created that things might change for the better. The extremists unilaterally called a halt to their terrorist activities for six months. The good will was to prove temporary as the PPP soon handed over the administration of the province to the agencies.
This was substantiated by the forced disappearances which multiplied. Hindrances were created in the way of the courts when they tried to probe the cases. Extrajudicial killings of Baloch nationalist leaders increased manifold. While democracy benefited the rest of the country, the Baloch remained under the shadow of the agencies.
Under the conditions the state is seen by many amongst them as a symbol of repression, the media a collaborator who hides what is happening in the province, the judiciary ineffective or unconcerned about the plight of the people, the parliament a handmaiden of the army and the elected Balochistan government utterly powerless.
What can save the situation is the initiation of talks with Baloch nationalist leaders including those involved in insurgency. The provincial autonomy would remain a joke if the chief minister, governor and cabinet members complain of agencies acting on their own. Those kept in unlawful custody have to be released and compensated. However few hope the measures would be taken as the federal government is not willing to do anything that displeases the army and the agencies.
What is the future of Balochistan, then? The establishment is powerful and, unlike East Pakistan, here it faces no problem of communication. The Balochis are numerically the smallest community in the country and thus unable to defeat the former. One is reminded of what Sardar Ataullah Mengal said once; A slave may find it difficult to seek his release by fighting a powerful master. He would however use the first opportunity he gets to slip away.
The writer is a former academic and a political analyst.
